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There is only one case in our study Assole in which all victims are adults and the victim population is mixed gender, that of Michael Ford. Radio courtesy isn't just about being Asshole cber, it's about preserving our hobby. Information, supra note What's going on? CuteboysoGeospartan and Skwhyyy like this. Congress should consider adopting a federal sextortion statute that addresses the specific conduct at issue in Asshole cber cases and treats the age of the victim as an aggravating factor, not as a core element of the offense. Edwards, supra note

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When the victim opened the email, she found sexually explicit photos of herself attached and information that detailed where she worked.

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When the victim opened the email, she found sexually explicit photos of herself attached and information that detailed where she worked. Following that were details of her personal life: her husband and her three kids. And there was a demand. The demand made this hack different: This computer intrusion was not about money. The perpetrator wanted a pornographic video of the victim. This victim knew her correspondent only as yosoylammer hotmail. On November 5, , yosolammer hotmail.

Mijangos had other identities too: Some emails came from christ yahoo. Mijangos, they discovered, had tricked scores of women and teenage girls into downloading malware onto their computers.

The malicious software he employed provided access to all files, photos, and videos on the infected computers. The malware Mijangos wrote was sophisticated, and he told federal authorities that he designed it specifically to be undetectable to antivirus programs. In at least one case, he posted nude photos of a victim on the Myspace account of a friend of the victim, which Mijangos had also hacked, after she refused to comply with his demands.

In all, federal investigators found more than 15, webcam-video captures, audio recordings, and 13, screen captures on his computers. The videos he surreptitiously recorded showed victims in various states of undress, getting out of the shower, and having sex with partners. Mijangos was arrested by the FBI in June He was sentenced to six years imprisonment and is scheduled to be released next year.

As bizarre as the Mijangos case may sound, his conduct turns out to be not all that unusual. We searched dockets and news stories for criminal cases in which one person used a computer network to extort another into producing pornography or engaging in sexual activity.

We found nearly 80 such cases involving, by conservative estimates, more than 3, victims. This is surely the tip of a very large iceberg. Each involves an attacker who effectively invades the homes of sometimes large numbers of remote victims and demands the production of sexual activity from them.

We tend think of cybersecurity as a problem for governments, major corporations, and—at an individual level—for people with credit card numbers or identities to steal. The average teenage or young-adult Internet user, however, is the very softest of cybersecurity targets. They sometimes record pornographic or semi-pornographic images or videos of themselves. And they share material with other teenagers whose cyberdefense practices are even laxer than their own.

Sextortion thus turns out to be quite easy to accomplish in a target-rich environment that often does not require more than malicious guile. It is a great mistake, however, to confuse sextortion with consensual sexting or other online teenage flirtations. It is a crime of often unspeakable brutality.

It is also a crime that, as we shall show, does not currently exist in either federal law or the laws of the states. More often, it involves manipulation and trickery on social media. But at the core of the crime always lies the intersection of cybersecurity and sexual coercion.

The problem of this new sex crime of the digital age, fueled by ubiquitous Internet connections and webcams, is almost entirely unstudied. Law enforcement authorities are well aware of it. This is the new playground. But while the FBI has issued numerous warnings about sextortion, the government publishes no data on the subject.

The 78 cases we reviewed alone involve at least 1, victims, and this is undoubtedly just the tip of the iceberg. In it, we look at the methods used by perpetrators and the prosecutorial tools authorities have used to bring offenders to justice. We hope that by highlighting the scale and scope of the problem, and the brutality of these cases for the many victims they affect, to spur a close look at both state and federal laws under which these cases get prosecuted.

The paper proceeds in several distinct parts. We begin with a literature review of the limited existing scholarship and data on sextortion. We then outline our methodology for collecting and analyzing data for the present study. We then offer a working definition of sextortion. In the subsequent section, we provide a sketch of the aggregate statistics revealed by our data concerning the scope of the sextortion problem, and we examine the statutes used and sentences delivered in federal and state sextortion cases.

We then turn to detailing several specific case studies in sextortion. In our last empirical section, we look briefly at the victim impact of these crimes. Finally, we offer several recommendations for policymakers, law enforcement, parents, teachers, and victims. Sextortion is remarkably understudied. Despite the rash of sextortion cases, some of them reasonably prominent, press attention to the issue has been modest, particularly in comparison to the dramatic attention devoted to issues of online bullying, child pornography generally, and revenge porn.

While federal law enforcement has responded vigorously to individual cases around the country, a broader policy discussion has not followed.

Most people, we suspect, have never heard of sextortion. It began popping up in news coverage of incidents of sexual extortion involving online sexual exchanges with relative frequency beginning in , 40 though we found one use of the term dating back to Still, there has been no serious academic research surrounding sextortion.

There have been no studies examining the most basic questions surrounding the problem: How common are these cases? What are the basic elements that characterize them? Are our laws adequate for the investigation and prosecution of sextortion cases?

For its part, the press has tended to report on individual cases, not on the phenomenon more broadly. Mentions of the larger problem tend to be passing ones. GQ magazine has run two feature-length stories on sextortion, both focused on individual cases. In , the magazine covered the story of Anthony Stancl, a troubled and bullied student at New Berlin Eisenhower high school in Wisconsin, who tricked fellow male students into sending him sexually explicit photos and videos as both a form of sexual gratification and also social revenge.

In , GQ readers also learned of Mijangos in an article that does highlight the unique qualities of sextortion. The report, among other things, demonstrated that RATs like the one used by Mijangos are easily accessible and quite affordable.

Yet this report, published in , focused on the cybersecurity problem of RATs broadly, and less on the exploitations at play in sextortion cases. Government attention has likewise been spotty. Yet there has never been a congressional hearing on sextortion as a free-standing issue, and neither current nor proposed legislation so much as mentions the phenomenon. The scholarship has trended along similar lines. Some legal scholarship has alluded to sextortion, but only in passing.

Nor are data, either official or private, readily available. Based on the information known by the CyberTipline reporter, sextortion appears to have occurred with one of three primary objectives In 12 percent of reports, the objective could not be determined :. These data, though useful and illuminating and broadly consistent with our own findings, are necessarily limited.

Because they are only based on victim reporting, there is no information about subsequent prosecutions, investigative findings, or critically, victims other than ones who initially reported the offenses. That turns out to be a fateful omission. Our point is not to criticize any of these organizations, or government agencies, for the lack of data on the subject. The problem of sextortion is, in fact, new. It remains relatively undefined. And at least with respect to the activist groups, it is a perfectly reasonable approach to focus on revenge porn first and on the problem of non-consensual pornography—of which sextortion is just one species—more generally.

The result, however, is a certain gap in our understanding of this new form of crime. How big a problem is it really? How many people does it affect? And how should we define it? This paper represents a systematic effort to examine these problems. Because of the disaggregated nature of the data we sought, the breadth of the problem, and the numerous criminal statutes available for possible prosecutorial use, we began with a systematic search of media on sextortion.

Using LexisNexis, we searched media databases in all 50 states and the District of Columbia for keywords related to sextortion. We then read all media results that our searches of LexisNexis returned, selecting those cases from articles that fit the parameters we set for sextortion cases described below. We identified 78 cases, 63 of them federal from 39 different judicial districts, 12 of them from the state courts of eight states, and three of them international cases from Israel, Mexico, and the Netherlands.

In some instances, prosecutors we contacted made us aware of other cases. In other instances, the cases themselves cited earlier sextortion cases.

As we progressed, a number of news stories made us aware of additional cases that arose after our searches took place. For federal cases, we used both the Public Access to Court Electronic Records PACER service and proprietary online databases to gather the warrant applications, complaints, indictments, plea agreements, and judgments for the individual cases, as available, as well as other relevant documents that describe the conduct at issue in the cases.

For state and international cases, we acquired original court documents where possible, but both for language and document-availability reasons, we also relied to a considerable degree on press accounts.

We examined each case to discern the number of clearly-identified generally not by name victims, the maximum number of victims estimated by prosecutors, the ages and genders of the victims, the number of states and countries involved in the offense pattern, and the sentence given the defendant if any.

We also tracked certain common elements of sextortion cases, both those charged and those pled or convicted; specifically, we identified the following recurrent elements in all cases in which they arose:. For those cases prosecuted federally, we also looked specifically at the criminal offenses charged in each case, as well as those to which the defendant either pled guilty or was convicted. The data we report here reflect our best sense of the sextortion landscape as of April 18, This report reflects neither developments within cases after that date nor new cases that have arisen since that date.

We are confident that this dataset is not complete. That is, there are sextortion cases both domestically and overseas, probably many of them, that we have not identified. We are even more confident that an enormous number of victims have not reported acts that would warrant aggressive investigation and prosecution along the lines of the cases we have found. We have identified the cases discussed in this study, in other words, not as illustrating the totality of the sextortion problem but as a significant and illustrative sample of it.

We do not purport to know if it represents the bulk of the cases that have been prosecuted or not.

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